The latest call for the creation of a European Army will fuel Euro-sceptics’ fears that the Lisbon Treaty will erode further national sovereignty and bring us closer to the creation of a United States of Europe. Defense and security policies certainly define the unity of the state, and its authority over the national territory and the people (demos) therein. Opponents of the Lisbon Treaty will thus base their argument on legitimacy issues. While I remain unconvinced that the Treaty does, in fact, strengthen the diplomatic and/or military roles of the EU, I would normatively argue against such development.
The acquisition of state-like features would be bad deal for the EU more than it would be for its members. While it is easy to agree with realists that the nation-state is (still) the main agent in international relations, it is undeniable that the EU has developed its own brand of actorness, through policies other than classical foreign and security ones. But while nation-states’ international agency is based on ethnic values, the EU’s must based on civic ones, given the lack of a European demos. The EU’s international actorness (whether we call it civilian or normative) is based on its domestic political experience, where integration has brought about a novel mode of governance, based on cooperation among states, either for the pursuit of common interests, as regime theorists would have it, or because cooperation is good as such, as a liberal of the Rawlsian tradition might argue.
While I do not necessarily subscribe to the realist view that states prioritize interests over values in their international agency, acting normatively only when their interests are not at stake, I am also not naive enough to believe that the EU’s actorness reflects a norm-based agency all the time. The Union is, after all, made up of nation-states, and as such it shows the contradictions of conflicting identities, civic and ethnocentric ones. Acquiring an effective common foreign and defense policy – a task that has so far been underlined by multiple failures – might shift the balance of the EU’s international agency towards exclusive practices. Whether the EU, and its members, are capable of creating a foreign policy, which mirrors inclusive identities, based on citizenship rather than nationality, remains to be seen.
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